Showing posts with label recovery. Show all posts
Showing posts with label recovery. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 23, 2014

Webinar: Emerging Roles in Peer Support: Supporting Employment and Educational Recovery



Lyn LegereJoin Lyn Legere this Friday
Sept. 26, 12:00 Noon (EDT) 

For the next in our Free Webinar series supported by Optum

Title: Emerging Roles in Peer Support:
Supporting Employment and
Educational Recovery

Lyn, a nationally known presenter and consultant, has collaborated on the development of several curricula aimed at increasing peoples' awareness and confidence in supporting this important area of recovery.

Lyn’s presentations are always fascinating, informative and full of good humor.


Brought to you throught the generous sponsorship of Optum
 

Webinar access information

No registration required

On Friday, Sept. 26 a few minutes before 12:00 noon...

 If requested, enter your name and email address.

Click “Join”. (If the “join” button does not turn green when you first access the page, you may have to wait a few minutes and then refresh your screen).

To join the audio portion of the webinar: provide your number when you join the meeting to receive a call back.
Alternatively, you can use the following number:
US\Canada: 1-763-957-6300
(Charges may apply)
If you have not previously participated in one of our webinars (made possible through the generous assistance of Optum Behavioral Health Services) log in a few minutes early to downloaded the free Webex software. Follow the prompts. The download is quick, free and easy!!!
 Questions? Contact us at: webinars@naops.org

Thursday, May 1, 2014

Lived Experience Research Network (LERN) Creates Dropbox for Research Access



The Lived Experience Research Network (LERN) team has created a shareable “dropbox” folder of journal articles and measures of potential use to activists, service users, survivors, students and researchers. “Our primary goal is to provide full-text access to individuals without an academic affiliation or other means of getting past journal pay-walls,” they write. “For additional open access measures, please visit the University of Adelaide's Psychiatric Scales and Measures collection (which also includes a page dedicated to Recovery and Rehabilitation measures),” LERN adds. To connect with the dropbox, click here. If you already have a password, you can go to the dropbox directly if you click here
In addition, the Boston University Disability Research Right to Know website has information on several subjects of interest to advocates, including peer-delivered services as well as supported education and supported housing.

Friday, June 21, 2013

National Practice Standards for Peer Recovery Supporters


National Practice Standards for Peer Recovery Supporters: Comments Welcome
A draft of the National Practice Standards for Peer Recovery Supporters is open for public comment until June 24, 2013. When finalized, the National Practice Standards will be used to set policy and shape the future of peer support services. If you have already commented on the draft, thank you for your input. Please be sure to share this opportunity with others. Every voice matters!

The deadline for comments is June 24, 2013. To access the draft, visit http://na4ps.wordpress.com/national-standards.

Tuesday, January 3, 2012

Schoalrships available for Individuals in Recovery

This is a scholarship for a wide range of educational opportunities including trade school, university and grad school (no distance learning or on-line) for individuals who experience persistent mental illness. The deadline is very soon. Please share with your members.

Lilly Reintegration Scholarship Program Accepting Applications for 2012-13
The scholarship program is designed to help people with schizophrenia, related schizophrenia-spectrum disorders, and bipolar disorder acquire educational and vocational skills....

Posted on December 26, 2011
Deadline: January 31, 2012


The entire application is downloadable on-line.

Friday, December 23, 2011

SAMHSA Releases New Working Definition of Recovery

Reposted at http:/www.darkestcloset.bloggerspot,
SAMHSA recently announced a new working definition of recovery from mental disorders and substance use disorders.  The definition is the product of a year-long effort by SAMHSA and a wide range of partners in the behavioral health care community and other fields to develop a working definition of recovery that captures the essential, common experiences of those recovering from mental disorders and substance use disorders.  Major guiding principles support the recovery definition.  SAMHSA led this effort as part of its Recovery Support Strategic Initiative.
The new working definition of Recovery From Mental Disorders and Substance Use Disorders is as follows:
A process of change through which individuals improve their health and wellness, live a self-directed life, and strive to reach their full potential.
Through the Recovery Support Strategic Initiative, SAMHSA also has delineated four major dimensions that support a life in recovery:
  • Health: Overcoming or managing one's disease(s) as well as living in a physically and emotionally healthy way.
  • Home: A stable and safe place to live.
  • Purpose: Meaningful daily activities, such as a job, school, volunteerism, family caretaking, or creative endeavors, and the independence, income, and resources to participate in society.
  • Community: Relationships and social networks that provide support, friendship, love, and hope.
Read the Full Press Release  |  Learn More About SAMHSA's Recovery Support Initiative

Sunday, September 11, 2011

What mom thinks matters

Fred Markowitz

Attitudes of family members can impede recovery from mental illness
DeKalb, Ill. – A new study led by a Northern Illinois University sociologist shows that while family members often provide critical support, they also can sometimes be the source of stigmatizing attitudes that impede the recovery of mentally ill relatives.

“Negative attitudes of family members have the potential to affect the ways that mentally ill persons view themselves, adversely influencing the likelihood of recovery from the illness,” said lead researcher Fred Markowitz, an NIU professor of sociology.

Markowitz and his colleagues, Beth Angell from Rutgers and Jan Greenberg from the University of Wisconsin-Madison, published their findings in the June issue of Social Psychology Quarterly, a peer-reviewed journal of the American Sociological Association.

Over an 18-month period, the researchers studied 129 mothers of adult children with schizophrenia.
“In short, what mom thinks matters,” Markowitz said. “It’s a chain of effects that unfolds.

“We found that when those with mental illness exhibited greater levels of initial symptoms, lower self-confidence and quality of life, their mothers tended to view them in more stigmatized terms—for example, seeing them as ‘incompetent,’ ‘unpredictable’ and ‘unreliable,’ ” Markowitz said. “When mothers held these views, their sons and daughters with mental illness were more likely to come to see themselves in similar terms—what social psychologists call ‘the reflected appraisals process.’ Importantly, when the individuals with mental illness took on these stigmatizing views of themselves, their symptoms became somewhat greater and levels of self-confidence and quality of life lower.”

A long line of research has shown that the stigma associated with mental illness can be a major impediment to recovery, affecting self-esteem and even job prospects. But research has not historically examined the links between stigma, reflected appraisals, identity formation and recovery, Markowitz said.

“Our study is part of research that is starting to more fully examine how stigma affects the self-concept and identity of those with mental illness,” he said.

Markowitz and his colleagues believe it is important to acknowledge that many of the sentiments conveyed toward ill relatives grow out of positive intentions and reflect attempts to cope with the difficulties of having a relative with serious mental illness. Yet, stigmatizing attitudes are of concern because of their potential adverse effects.

“This study highlights the notion that recovery from mental illness is not simply a matter of controlling symptoms as indicated by a strictly ‘psychiatric’ perspective,” Markowitz said. “It is, to a certain extent, a social-psychological process.

“The ways in which people, including family members and service providers, think about persons with mental illness affect the beliefs and actions of the individuals with mental illness, in turn shaping the trajectory of recovery.”

Wednesday, August 3, 2011

Ethical Concerns in Assertiveness Community Treatment

Author Daniel Farrell is cited in an article featured on the Homelesssness Website and newsletter, in a discussion of ethical concerns about Assertiveness Community Treatment (ACT)

http://homeless.samhsa.gov/Resource/View.aspx?id=52119
Reposted at darkestcloset.bloggerspot

Some critics call Assertive Community Treatment (ACT) a fundamentally coercive model of care because of the level of control that case managers have over their clients’ lives. This article explores some of the resulting ethical concerns of using the ACT model. This article is the third in a series of three articles about ACT.

Embedded in Assertive Community Treatment (ACT) is the element of, well, assertion on the part of service providers. This has led some critics to call ACT a fundamentally coercive model of care. And indeed, many ACT providers find the balance between social control and client independence a very difficult one to strike.

Social Control versus Client Independence

Traditionally, mental health treatment has focused on acting in the best interest of the client. ACT, however, has been accused of being more concerned with benefits to systems instead of individuals. ACT’s community-based approach has its roots in inpatient psychiatric care. Because of this, the idea of patient independence or freedom has been very limited from its earliest beginnings.

These roots can be seen in various forms of social control that are still present in ACT. For instance, ACT staff has the power to force clients into hospitalization, or to remove them from a homeless shelter or drop-in center. They may also demand that clients change their behavior, forcing them to take medication or abstain from alcohol, for instance. If clients do not comply, they may face loss of personal freedom.

ACT staff may also control many other aspects of clients’ lives. They may manage flow of money for clients, their access to doctors and pharmacies, decisions about treatments, and contact with their social networks. The ongoing ethical challenge for ACT staff is to strike a balance. They need to empower clients without neglecting them, care for them without controlling them too much, and give them as much independence as possible even while intervening in their lives.

ACT: A Coercive Model?

It is easy to see how some would perceive coercion to be woven into all aspects of ACT. And it is true that this can happen in many ways. However, some ACT clients are at the extreme end of psychosis. They may suffer a great deal because of their untreated symptoms. Moreover, their experiences may render them unable to understand their illness and their right to humane treatment. In such cases, compassionate coercion may be what allows ACT staff to fulfill their client’s right to this treatment.

It may be helpful to think of coercion on a continuum. At one end is friendly persuasion, in the middle is control of resources, and at the other end of the spectrum is the use of force in treatment. The level of involvement from the case worker depends on many factors, most especially the severity of the case.

What do the critics think?

There are many different players involved in Assertive Community Treatment. Of course, the main players are the clients themselves and their teams of providers, but there is also a diverse community of people who are interested in treatment outcomes.

ACT clients are largely lower-income, rely on public assistance, and have historically had minimal input into their own treatment to begin with. Critics of ACT say treatment that is forced upon individuals is inherently coercive (especially individuals with limited options, as described above). They see this as especially true because a person enrolled in ACT cannot end these services.

Criticism of ACT goes beyond the question of coercion, though. Some doubt the positive outcomes for ACT clients. They argue that the results seen with ACT are not actually all that different from standard treatment, and concerns about the design of studies comparing the two have also been raised.
In addition, critics say that the greatest benefit of ACT (reduced hospitalizations for clients) is not a result of the intervention itself. They see this as simply a part of the design of the model, and administrative distinctions which seek to move clients away from hospitals in general.

What do clients think?

In some ways, it is not surprising that clients themselves did not have a voice in the debate surrounding ACT until decades after the model was developed. But in the mid-1990s, the academic community did start asking clients about their experiences with the program.

Some studies looked at the most important factors in client satisfaction. They found that for clients, these included having consistent contact with staff, supportive services, a positive helping alliance, and a sense of trust and caring by ACT staff. Other studies found that clients enrolled in ACT were happy with housing assistance and the help they received in adjusting to their communities.

The feedback wasn’t all positive, though. One study found that even though clients were satisfied with many aspects of care, they were not happy with medication and treatment issues. Clients in another study said they disliked what they saw as “program intrusiveness.” They felt that the program was too confining and echoed earlier sentiments that there was too much of a focus on medication compliance.

In the end, the question of coercion in ACT may be largely a matter of opinion. But what is less subjective is the issue of balance, as service providers are pulled between control over and independence for their clients.

Read the first two articles in the series: All About Assertive Community Treatment (ACT)Assertive Community Treatment (ACT) for People Experiencing Homelessness

 
 

Wednesday, May 18, 2011

Peer Support Beats Usual Care for Depression, Analysis Finds

But it may not be helpful for people with severe depression, one expert suggests
FRIDAY, Feb. 18 (HealthDay News) -- A new analysis of existing research finds that peer support may do a better job of treating depression than standard care.

Depression is difficult to treat even with the help of psychotherapy and antidepressant drugs. According to the analysis, one-third of depressed patients have significant symptoms even after being treated with four different medications. In addition, among depressed people who recover while taking antidepressant drugs, more than half relapse within a year.

The researchers looked at 14 studies involving depression and peer support in their meta-analysis, which is a method that pools the results of different studies examining a common problem so they can be analyzed statistically. All of the studies had randomly assigned depressed people to receive peer support with at least one other person, or one of three other types of treatment including standard care, cognitive behavioral therapy, or both. The studies examined the experiences of 869 participants in total.

The researchers combined the results of the studies and reported their findings online in advance of publication in an upcoming print issue of the journal General Hospital Psychiatry.

Dr. Paul Pfeiffer, an assistant professor of psychiatry at the University of Michigan Medical School in Ann Arbor, and colleagues found that support groups were "superior" to regular care but didn't do significantly better or worse than cognitive behavioral therapy, which trains people to develop new patterns of thought and behavior.

Why might support groups be so helpful? Pfeiffer's team suggested that it may have something to do with their ability to lessen isolation, provide a buffer against stressful events, help patients share health information and offer role models. "Peer support programs may also empower patients to play a more active role in their own self-care," they wrote.

"Given the high level of functional burden imposed by depression worldwide, peer support for depression should also be studied as a potentially low-cost intervention in primary care or other settings where more established but costly depression services are unavailable," the authors concluded.

One expert who was not involved with the meta-analysis had some criticisms of the findings.
Dr. Bernard Carroll, scientific director at the Pacific Behavioral Research Foundation and past chairman of psychiatry at Duke University, said that several of the studies in the review were weak, and the stronger ones showed the treatment approaches were just about equally effective. In addition, some of the studies focused on people with mild symptoms, he noted.

But peer support might still have its uses in depression treatment, he noted.

Overall, Carroll said, the review suggested that peer support "may be somewhat helpful" -- with caveats -- in certain people without severe symptoms of depression.

For more about depression, visit the U.S. National Library of Medicine.
-- Randy Dotinga
SOURCES: Bernard Carroll, Ph.D., scientific director, Pacific Behavioral Research Foundation, Carmel, Calif.; Nov. 13, 2010, General Hospital Psychiatry, online
Last Updated: Feb. 18, 2011
Copyright © 2011 HealthDay. All rights reserved.

Posted at http://consumer.healthday.com/Article.asp?AID=650065, reposted at darkestcloset.blogspot.com

Friday, April 22, 2011

I like Bi-Winning.

In a recent article by Amy Yashinsky* of the STOMP Newsletter, by a group of mental health advocates in Michigan, whom I respect, she wrote:

I want to cringe every time I hear someone speak incorrectly about bipolar disorder (or any mental health challenge, for that matter!), and as such, the last month of Charlie Sheen’arama has been one big cringe-fest!

Whenever someone asks me about him, my reply has been ‘he’s making it difficult for me to do my job! When comics are comparing him to Gadhafi, how am I supposed to teach people that those dealing with a mental health challenge are not dangerous or unstable?!’”

I was with Amy when she spoke about the inappropriateness of armchair analysis, but here I must differ. It is a “cringe-fest,” but I am right there with Charlie when he says “I’m bi-winning!”  He is not making your job harder, mental illness, and hundreds of years of ignorance, discrimination, fear, prejudice and mistreatment make it difficult for people with mental illness to recover and others to understand and welcome into the greater community.

Some people who experience who experience mental illnesses are dangerous, some are unstable, most are not. The same can be said for the general population. Education about discrimination and fear is very difficult. Charlie Sheen’s story provides an opportunity to talk about things which are hard to bring up in day-to-day conversation with the general population. Opportunity is a good thing.

I do not know, nor have I ever met Mr. Sheen, his friends, or family. MY impression has always been that he is an intelligent and funny guy who likes to live his life on his own terms. Am I interested in what the media or parasitic friends and “professionals” have to say about his motivation or behavior? No.

I am more disgusted by the talking heads and mental health experts who have come forward to explain his behavior than I could ever be by something that Mr. Sheen has said in public. It is inappropriate to speculate or worse, “diagnose” someone from a taped interview or public behavior. These mental health experts crawling from the woodwork to pontificate on what Mr. Sheen needs are shameful leeches.

He true friends may express concerns if his behavior becomes dangerous to himself or others. Mr. Sheen determines what is a priority for his own wellness. He has been open for many years about his sexual and social preferences. He is a wealthy may who engages in consensual activities. This is none of my business, or anyone else’s.

There have been some individuals who expressed sincere concerns about whether he is being exploited in a vulnerable period of his life. It is possible to be an ass and still be vulnerable. Writer, actor, comedian, Rickie Gervais has expressed these concerns, in a caring way.

If Mr. Sheen is experiencing a mental health crisis, I hope that he seeks help from someone he can trust. The general public cannot determine if he is, or is not, simple because he acts in an outrageous way. Many performers and no-performers act in outrageous ways for many reasons that have nothing to do with mental illness. He does not have to disclose his illness, if he has one, to the public, regardless of what it may be, ever, for any reason. Being an actor, or an activist, or a famous person does not justify making you a target.

Recovery is a non-linear process. Everyone’s process is different. Respect Mr. Sheen’s right to express himself as he wishes, whether you like what he has to say, or not.

As for me, I like the way “Bi-winning” sounds.

Posted at *http://www.cnsantistigmaprogram.org/stomp_newsletter_2011-04-15/newsletter.html#7 Reposted at http://keystothecloset.blogspot.com/

Monday, April 18, 2011

Recovery to Practice Center Initiative

What is “recovery” in relation to mental illness? And what implications does this concept have for transforming mental health practice to become “recoveryoriented”? To begin answering these questions, and to promote the transformation of mental health care to a recoveryorientation, on October 1, 2009, the Center for Mental Health Services (CMHS), Office of the Associate Director for Consumer Affairs, within the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), contracted with Development Services Group, Inc. (DSG) to launch a fiveyear Recovery to Practice (RTP) initiative.

Within SAMHSA’s workforce development priority area, this initiative seeks to advance a recoveryoriented approach to mental health care by developing, promoting, and disseminating training curricula on how to translate the concept of mental health recovery into practice; and by providing a Recovery to Practice Recovery Resource Center for mental health professionals engaged in this work. For more information about this center and to subscribe to their newsletter, visit: http://www.dsgonline.com/rtp/resources.html. To receive all Resource Center communications and join the listserv, visit http://www2.dsgonline.com/rtp_listserv/. New resources are being added to the Resource Center on an ongoing basis. Contributors are invited to submit suggestions for useful articles, videos, curricula, and personal stories—as well as announcements about upcoming relevant conferences and meetings—to keep the center robust and current. Reposted at http://darkestcloset.blogspot.com/

Saturday, February 26, 2011

:Considering Recovery as a Process" by Dr. Larry Davidson

As reported in February 25, 20011 Vol. 2, issue 7 Recovery to Practice Newsletter. Posted at http://darkestcloset.blogspot.com/

Considering Recovery as a Process
A Continuation of What Does It Mean to Say That Recovery Is ‘Nonlinear’?
by Larry Davidson, Ph.D., RTP Project Director

Some readers of last week’s Highlight responded with concern to the author’s statement that she did not believe that she would ever fully recover from bipolar disorder—they worried that the author either had lost hope or was not aware that full recovery is indeed possible within the context of bipolar disorder. The remainder of the author’s narrative, however, described the many ways in which she had improved her life and been effective in moving the disorder into the background, representing the many ways in which she was indeed “in recovery.” Her story provides a very rich and useful example of how recovery can be a process as well as an outcome.

There are many paths to recovery, and each person must find his or her own way to deal effectively with mental illness. For many people, accepting that the condition will not go away—at least any time soon—is an important step along that journey. Patricia Deegan has been perhaps the most eloquent spokesperson for this aspect of recovery, capturing it in what she describes as “the paradox of recovery”:

… that in accepting what we cannot do or be, we begin to discover who we can be and what we can do. Thus, recovery is a process. It is a way of life. It is an attitude and a way of approaching the day's challenges. It is not a perfectly linear process… (1996, 13)

The author of last week’s Highlight began her story by noting the significant role this realization had played in her own recovery. Whether her recovery will eventually lead to a complete and full recovery from bipolar disorder, only the future will tell. It is important, nonetheless—and perhaps especially in these circumstances—to realize that recovery can be a nonlinear process that does not necessarily lead to anywhere else. It can be, as Deegan suggests, “a way of life.”

A previous Highlight dealt with the issue of the nonlinear nature of recovery when understood as an outcome.
this week’s Highlight will deal more in depth with the way in which recovery as a process is nonlinear as well. While all of the points previously made about recovery as an outcome remain true of recovery as a process, there are some unique aspects of recovery as a process that warrant their own explanation.

The first thing we must clarify is what we even mean by “recovery as a process.” Recovery as an outcome is fairly straightforward and commonly understood, as its meaning in this situation is similar to its meaning in other medical conditions: recovering from a serious mental illness means no longer having the illness, and therefore no longer experiencing its signs or symptoms. But what does it mean to say that recovery can also be a process?

Recovery viewed in stages. Some people take recovery as a process to mean an earlier stage where a person is on the way to recovering from the illness—meaning that while the person’s behavioral health and life may be improving, he or she has yet to recover fully. According to this view, recovery as a process remains linked to the notion of recovery as an outcome; thus, the process of recovery should be considered to be one of recovery (as opposed to simply coping) only if it is leading the person toward an optimal clinical outcome. Otherwise, recovery could be used to refer to any experience a person with a mental illness is having, including any setbacks and relapses. This position helps us to avoid the problematic situation in which “recovery” comes to refer to just about everything—and therefore comes to mean nothing at all (Roe, Rudnick, & Gill, 2007).

Several models of recovery follow this perspective and break the overall process down into a number of components, one following from the other. John Strauss and I (1992) proposed one such model that focused on the person’s efforts to reconstruct an effective sense of self, moving from being hopeful to enacting a positive sense of self to using the self as a resource for managing the illness. The State of Ohio was the first to use such a model to inform policy and practice, suggesting that a person progresses from being unaware of the illness and dependent on others to being aware of the illness and independent in relation to others, with a few steps in between (Townsend, Boyd, & Griffin, 2000). Since then, several other models have been put forth by researchers and clinicians around the world. All features the stages of having lived a life a before the illness, grappling with the illness, and, eventually, moving beyond the illness. All of these models have intuitive appeal, and can be useful in understanding what a particular person may be grappling with at any given time (Davidson, Roe, Andres–Hyman, & Ridgway, 2010).

As useful and intuitively appealing as they are, however, the problem with all of these recovery models is that they are, unfortunately, linear. They stipulate a linear process in which the person goes from stage 1 to stage 2, and so on over time. And even in those cases when the model’s proponents insist that the components are interrelated and not necessarily linear (as Strauss and I did back in 1992), such models have a tendency to be taken both literally and linearly by many people using them—even though we know that recovery is not linear.

Non-linear process. Is it possible to view recovery as a process in an explicitly non-linear way? To understand “recovery as a process” not as an earlier stage on the path to full recovery, but rather as separate and distinct from “recovery as an outcome”? Rather than viewing recovery as a process as leading in a linear fashion to recovery as an outcome, can we sever the connection between the two in order first to understand recovery as a process on its own terms? What would that look like?

One way to de-link recovery as a process from its associations with outcome is to accept that, for some people (like the author of last week’s Highlight), traditionally defined clinical outcomes may not change much over time. This does not mean, however, that the person’s life as a whole might not change substantially in other ways. A disability model does not require people with developmental disabilities to acquire IQ points to conclude that their lives had improved considerably based either on our efforts, their own efforts, or a combination of both. Individuals with developmental disabilities can be taught how to navigate their communities, can attend school, or can join a swimming team without seeing any appreciable change in individual IQs. This does not detract from the fact that their lives have been significantly enriched as a result. 

The same thing may also be true for someone with a mental illness, who may be accompanied to church, go out to eat with friends, or bring gifts to his or her nieces and nephews at the family Christmas party without any appreciable change in his or her mental illness. Being in recovery in this sense has to do with pursuing and participating actively in a meaningful and pleasurable life within the limitations imposed by the disability. Though one might argue that involvement in these activities constitutes an outcome, the only outcome in this scenario is that the person is able to actively pursue the kind of life he or she wishes to lead. Within the context of much of behavioral health, the process of living one’s life is not ordinarily considered an outcome.

Quality of life. Separating the quality of a person’s life from his or her behavioral health status is important for a number of reasons. For one, a person’s diagnosis does not define him or her as a person. No two people with schizophrenia are going to be any more similar than any two people who happen to be, say, psychologists or nurses. Secondly, the different aspects of mental illness typically wax and wane for most people over time, with improvements in any one domain only loosely related to improvements in other domains (Strauss & Carpenter, 1977; Strauss, Hafez, Lieberman, & Harding, 1985). Not only is recovery as an outcome non-linear, then, but it is also made up of different domains of functioning that are relatively independent of one another. I may seem “more recovered” when I get a job, but may at the same time hear more voices. Or perhaps I hear fewer voices when I work, but then find that I cannot spend time with friends or family because I become too anxious. We unfortunately know little about what leads to, or predicts changes in, the course of serious mental illnesses. Whereas reductions in symptoms might influence future symptom levels, they may not influence work or social functioning, and none of these factors may relate directly to quality of life.

In this sense, it becomes difficult to equate recovery with symptom or functioning levels in people with prolonged conditions. If we equate recovery with a decrease in symptoms or an increase in functioning, then we can readily imagine circumstances in which a person in recovery “gets worse.” People often experience an increase in symptoms or a decrease in functioning in response to important life events, such as experiencing the death of a loved one, being fired from a job, or suffering a grave disappointment. More importantly, a person in recovery can experience an increase in symptoms in response to positive life events, such as moving into one’s own apartment, starting a new job, or falling in love. Should such symptom exacerbations mean that these participants are no longer in recovery? No.

Waiting, at a price. What is the importance of accepting that some symptoms or impairments may not go away—at least for an extended period of time—and that the person can pursue and be “in” recovery nevertheless? Consider the young man who is told that he cannot be referred for supported employment until he has been clinically stable for 3 months or the woman who is advised to wait on her dream of becoming a mother until her symptoms abate. What if these outcomes of symptom cessation or clinical stability, as defined by caring others, never occur? What may have been lost in the waiting? As has been true for those who have had to struggle for their civil rights, for many people with mental illness, this insistence on waiting has come at a very high price (Davidson, 2006).

For example, one of the core criteria of supported employment may be rapid job placement, regardless of symptoms. Some well-meaning practitioners, however, may continue to insist that people not be referred to supported employment, or not pursue employment on their own, until they have achieved some inchoate state of stability. From these practitioners’ perspectives, the best thing a person can do to recover from the illness is to minimize the daily stress he or she has to deal with while convalescing. From the person’s perspective, however, prolonged unemployment, poverty, and empty time may be more stressful than attempting to work in the face of symptoms. (We are aware of no studies showing that unemployment promotes recovery.) Similarly, some practitioners continue to view each episode of symptom exacerbation as a relapse and each stay in an acute-care setting to be a readmission, even though from the person’s point of view, these occurrences may represent, or be a consequence of, a movement forward in their lives. These are the unanticipated and unintended side effects of continuing to view recovery primarily as an outcome, an ideal state of health, toward which all processes must flow.

For this reason, among others, we suggest focusing primarily on the process of recovery—that is, on supporting people in their efforts to lead full lives in the face of serious mental illnesses, rather than on achieving a more distant and elusive outcome. Though a life with the illness may not be the optimal outcome from anyone’s point of view, it might be the best that many people can hope for in the foreseeable future. In these cases, we suggest that entering into and pursuing a better life in the face of mental illness poses an extremely important and valuable challenge irrespective of outcome, not only for that person, but also for those of us privileged to be offering care.

For further reading:  

Davidson, L. (2006). What happened to civil rights? Psychiatric Rehabilitation Journal, 30(1), 11–14.

Davidson, L.; Roe, D.; Andres–Hyman, R.; & Ridgway, P. (2010). Applying Stages of Change models to recovery in serious mental illness: Contributions and limitations. Israel Journal of Psychiatry, 47(3), 213–21.

Davidson, L., & Strauss, J.S. (1992). Sense of self in recovery from severe mental illness. British Journal of Medical Psychology, 65, 131–45.

Deegan, P. (1996). Recovery and the conspiracy of hope. Presented at the Sixth Annual Mental Health Services Conference of Australia and New Zealand, Brisbane, Australia.

Roe, D.; Rudnick, A.; & Gill, K.J. (2007). The concept of ‘‘being in recovery.’’ Psychiatric Rehabilitation Journal, 30(3), 171–73.

Strauss, J.S., & Carpenter, W.T. (1977). Prediction of outcome in schizophrenia: III. Five-year outcome and its predictors. Archives of General Psychiatry, 34(2), 159–63.

Strauss, J.S.; Hafez, H.; Lieberman, P.; Harding, C.M. (1985). The course of psychiatric disorders III: Longitudinal principles. British Journal of Psychiatry, 55, 128–32.

Townsend, W.; Boyd, S.; & Griffin, G. (2000). Emerging Best Practices in Mental Health Recovery. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio Department of Mental Health, Office of Consumer Services.